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"Pryor Mynatt "Humpy" McElveen (November 5, 1881 in Atlanta – October 27, 1951 in Pleasant Hill, Tennessee), was a professional baseball player and coach. McElveen played third base for the Brooklyn Dodgers from 1909 to 1911. He attended Carson-Newman College. A native of Johnson City, Tennessee, he was team captain of the 1908 Southern Association champion Nashville Vols, and was a personal friend of sportswriter Fred Russell. He coached at his alma mater, Carson-Newman College. Bibliography References External links 1881 births 1951 deaths Major League Baseball third basemen Brooklyn Superbas players Brooklyn Dodgers players Baseball players from Georgia (U.S. state) Carson–Newman University alumni Knoxville (minor league baseball) players Jacksonville Jays players Nashville Vols players Montgomery Billikens players Montgomery Rebels players Atlanta Crackers players Knoxville Reds players Portsmouth Truckers players Shreveport Gassers players Carson–Newman Eagles baseball coaches Carson–Newman Eagles baseball players "
"A Haitian entrepreneur Social class in Haiti uses a class structure that groups people according to wealth, income, education, type of occupation, and membership in a specific subculture or social network. Since colonial years, race has still played an important factor in determining social class. History Haitian girlsHaitian artist Edouard Duval-CarrieFactory worker In the colonial period, the French imposed a three-tiered social structure similar to the casta system in colonial Hispanic America. At the top of the social and political ladder was the white elite (grands blancs). At the bottom of the social structure were the enslaved black (noirs), most of whom had been born in Africa. Between the white elite and the slaves arose a third group, the freedmen (affranchis), most of whom were descended from unions of slave owners and slaves (cf. plaçage). Some Mulatto freedmen inherited land from their white fathers, became relatively wealthy and owned slaves (perhaps as many as one-fourth of all slaves in Saint-Domingue belonged to affranchi owners). Nevertheless, racial codes kept the affranchis socially and politically inferior to the whites in the racial hierarchy. Also between the white elite and the slaves were the poor whites (petits blancs), who considered themselves socially superior to the Mulattoes, even if they sometimes found themselves economically inferior to them. Of a population of 519,000 in 1791, 87 percent were slaves, 8 percent were whites, and 5 percent were freedmen. Because of harsh living and working conditions, the mortality rate among the enslaved blacks was extremely high, so new slaves were continuously imported to replace the ones who died. Thus, at the time of the slave rebellion of 1791, most slaves had been born in Africa rather than in Saint-Domingue.Smucker, Glenn R. "Social Structure". A Country Study: Haiti (Richard A. Haggerty, editor). Library of Congress Federal Research Division (December 1989). This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain. The Haitian Revolution changed the country's social structure. The colonial ruling class, and much of the white population, was killed or expelled, and the plantation economy was largely destroyed. The earliest black and mulatto leaders attempted to restore a plantation system that relied on an essentially free labor force, through strict military control (see Independent Haiti, ch. 6), but the system collapsed during the tenure of Alexandre Pétion (1806–18). The Haitian Revolution broke up plantations and distributed land among the former slaves. Through this process, the new Haitian upper class lost control over agricultural land and labor, which had been the economic basis of colonial control. To maintain their superior economic and social position, the new Haitian upper class turned away from agricultural pursuits in favor of more urban-based activities, particularly government. The nineteenth-century Haitian ruling class consisted of two groups: the urban elite and the military leadership. The urban elite were primarily a closed group of educated, comparatively wealthy, and French-speaking Mulattoes. Birth determined an individual's social position, and shared values and intermarriage reinforced class solidarity. The military, however, was a means of advancement for disadvantaged black Haitians. In a shifting, and often uneasy, alliance with the military, the urban elite ruled the country and kept the peasantry isolated from national affairs. The urban elite promoted French norms and models as a means of separating themselves from the peasantry. Thus, French language and manners, orthodox Roman Catholicism, and light skin were important criteria of high social position. The elite disdained manual labor, industry, and commerce in favor of the more genteel professions, such as law and medicine. A small, but politically important, middle class emerged during the twentieth century. Although social mobility increased slightly, the traditional elite retained their economic preeminence, despite countervailing efforts by François Duvalier. For the most part, the peasantry continued to be excluded from national affairs, but by the 1980s, this isolation had decreased significantly. Still, economic hardship in rural areas caused many cultivators to migrate to the cities in search of a higher standard of living, thereby increasing the size of the urban lower class. Upper class In the 1980s, Haiti's upper class constituted as little as 2 percent of the total population, but it controlled about 44 percent of the national income. The upper class included not only the traditional elite, which had not controlled the government for more than thirty years, but also individuals who had become wealthy and powerful through their connections with the governments of François Duvalier and his son, Jean-Claude Duvalier. Increased access to education helped carry some individuals into the ranks of the upper class. Others were able to move upward because of wealth they accrued in industry or export-import businesses.Smucker, Glenn R. "The Upper Class". A Country Study: Haiti (Richard A. Haggerty, editor). Library of Congress Federal Research Division (December 1989). This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain. Princess of Haiti Olive Fictional representatives of the Haitian elite such as the "Zuzu girl" (a naive rich bubblehead), and other recognizable cultural stereotypes, have been caricatured in the popular cultural comedy, Regards Croisés, on Télévision Nationale d'Haïti (TNH), the state television broadcaster of Haiti. The traditional elite held key positions in trade, industry, real estate, and the professions, and they were identified by membership in "good families," which claimed several generations of recognized legal status and name. Being a member of the elite also required a thorough knowledge of cultural refinements, particularly the customs of the French. Light skin and straight hair continued to be important characteristics of this group. French surnames were common among the mulatto elite, but increased immigration from Europe and the Middle East in the late nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries had introduced German, English, Danish, and Arabic names to the roster. The only group described as an ethnic minority in Haiti were the Arab Haitians, people descended from Syrian, Lebanese, and Palestinian traders who began to arrive in Haiti and elsewhere in the Caribbean in the late nineteenth century. From their beginnings, as itinerant peddlers of fabrics and other dry goods, the Arabs moved into the export-import sector, engendering the hostility of Haitians and foreign rivals. Nevertheless, the Arabs remained. Many adopted French and Creole as their preferred languages, took Haitian citizenship, and integrated themselves into the upper and the middle classes. Formerly spurned by elite Mulatto families and excluded from the best clubs, the Arabs had begun to intermarry with elite Haitians and to take part in all aspects of upper-class life, including entry into the professions, industry, and so on. Middle class The middle class also known as the bourgeois, was essentially nonexistent during the nineteenth century. But at about the time of the United States occupation (1915–34), it became more defined (see The United States Occupation, 1915–34, ch. 6). The creation of a professional military and the expansion of government services fostered the development of Haiti's middle class. Educational reform in the 1920s, an upsurge in black consciousness, and the wave of economic prosperity after World War II also contributed to the strengthening of the class. In the late 1980s, the middle class probably made up less than 5 percent of the total population, but it was growing, and it was becoming more politically powerful.Smucker, Glenn R. "The Middle Class". A Country Study: Haiti (Richard A. Haggerty, editor). Library of Congress Federal Research Division (December 1989). This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain. The mulatto elite dominated governments in the 1930s and the early 1940s and thwarted the political aspirations of the black middle class. President Dumarsais Estimé (1946–50) came to power with the aim of strengthening the middle class. The Duvalier government also claimed the allegiance of the black middle class, at least through the 1970s. During the Duvalier period, many in the middle class owed their economic security to the government. A number of individuals from this class, however, benefited from institutionalized corruption. Some members of the middle class had acquired political power by the 1980s, but most continued to be culturally ambivalent and insecure. Class solidarity, identity, and traditions were all weak. The criteria for membership in the middle class included a non-manual occupation, a moderate income, literacy, and a mastery of French. Middle-class Haitians sought upward mobility for themselves and their children, and they perceived education and urban residence as two essential keys to achieving higher status. Although they attempted to emulate the lifestyle of the upper class, middle-class Haitians resented the social preeminence and the color prejudice of the elite. Conflicts between the Franco-Haitian and the Afro-Haitian cultural traditions were most common among the middle class. Peasants Haiti's peasantry constituted approximately 75 percent of the total population. Unlike peasants in much of Latin America, most of Haiti's peasants had owned land since the early nineteenth century. Land was the most valuable rural commodity, and peasant families went to great lengths to retain it and to increase their holdings.Smucker, Glenn R. "Peasants". A Country Study: Haiti (Richard A. Haggerty, editor). Library of Congress Federal Research Division (December 1989). This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain. Peasants in general had control over their landholdings, but many lacked clear title to their plots. Haiti has never conducted a cadastral survey, but it is likely that many families have passed on land over generations without updating land titles. Division of land equally among male and female heirs resulted in farm plots that became too small to warrant the high costs of a surveyor. Heirs occasionally surveyed land before taking possession of it, but more frequently, heirs divided plots among themselves in the presence of community witnesses and often a notary. Some inherited land was not divided, but was used in common, for example, for pasture, or it was worked by heirs in rotation. Families commonly sold land to raise cash for such contingencies as funerals or to pay the expenses of emigration. Purchasers often held land with a notarized paper, rather than a formal deed (see Land Tenure and Land Policy, ch. 8). There were strata within the peasantry based on the amount of property owned. Many peasants worked land as sharecroppers or tenants, and some hoped eventually to inherit the plots they worked. Some tenant farmers owned and cultivated plots in addition to the land they worked for others. The number of entirely landless peasants who relied solely on wage labor was probably quite small. Agricultural wages were so low that peasants deprived of land were likely to migrate to urban areas in search of higher incomes. Wealthier peasants maintained their economic positions through the control of capital and influence in local politics. Peasants maintained a strong, positive identity as Haitians and as cultivators of the land, but they exhibited a weak sense of class consciousness. Rivalries among peasants were more common than unified resentment toward the upper class. Cooperation among peasants diminished during the twentieth century. Farms run by nuclear families and exchanges among extended families had formed the basis of the agrarian system. Until the middle of the twentieth century, collective labor teams, called kounbit, and larger labor-exchange groups were quite common. These groups were formed to carry out specific tasks on an individual's land; the owner provided music and a festive meal. After the 1940s, smaller groups, called eskouad, began to replace the kounbit. The eskouad carried out tasks on a strictly reciprocal basis or sold their collective labor to other peasants. Although Haitian peasant villages generally lacked a sense of community and civic- mindedness, some civic-action groups had emerged over the years. After the 1960s, wealthy peasants led rural community councils, which were supervised by the government. These councils often served more to control the flow of development resources into an area than to represent the local population. In the 1980s, a countervailing movement of small peasant groups (groupman) emerged with support from the Roman Catholic Church, principally in the Plateau Central. The groupman discussed common interests and undertook some cooperative activities. Both the Duvalier governments and the succeeding National Council of Government (Conseil National de Gouvernement—CNG), headed by Lieutenant General Henri Namphy, took steps to curb the activities of these peasant groups. The first generation of Haitian peasants pursued self- sufficiency, freedom, and peace. The necessity of devoting at least some share of their limited hectarage to the production of cash crops, however, hindered the peasants' ability to achieve self-sufficiency in the cultivation of domestic staples. Although they acquired a degree of freedom, they also found themselves isolated from the rest of the nation and the world. In the second half of the twentieth century, the Haitian peasantry gradually became much less isolated. Several factors accelerated the peasants' involvement with the outside world in the 1970s and the 1980s. Road projects improved the transportation system, and foreign religious missions and private development agencies penetrated the rural areas. These organizations brought new resources and provided an institutional link to the outside world. Many people from almost every community had migrated to Port-au-Prince or overseas, and they sent money home to rural areas. Cassette tapes enabled illiterate people who had traveled far from home to communicate with their families. Creole, which became widely used on radio, brought news of Haiti and the world to remote villages. And in 1986, media coverage of the fall of the Duvalier regime put rural Haitians in touch with the political affairs of the nation. Urban lower class The urban lower class, which made up about 15 percent of the total population in the early 1980s, was concentrated in Port-au-Prince and the major coastal towns. Increased migration from rural areas contributed greatly to the growth of this class. Industrial growth was insufficient, however, to absorb the labor surplus produced by the burgeoning urbanization; unemployment and underemployment were severe in urban areas. The urban lower class was socially heterogeneous, and it had little class consciousness. One outstanding characteristic of this group was its commitment to education. Despite economic hardships, urban lower-class parents made a real effort to keep their children in school throughout the primary curriculum. Through education and political participation, some members of the lower class achieved mobility into the middle class.Smucker, Glenn R. "Urban Lower Class". A Country Study: Haiti (Richard A. Haggerty, editor). Library of Congress Federal Research Division (December 1989). This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain. The poorest strata of the urban lower class lived under Haiti's worst sanitary and health conditions. According to the World Bank (see Glossary), one-third of the population of Port-au-Prince lived in densities of more than 1,000 people per hectare in 1976. The poorest families consumed as few as seven liters of water per person, per day, for cooking, drinking, and cleaning, and they spent about one-fifth of their income to obtain it. For many of these families, income and living conditions worsened in the 1980s. See also *Colorism *Mulatto Haitians *Poverty in Haiti *Restavek *Structural violence in Haiti References "
"The Oregon Board of Forestry is responsible for forest policy and oversight of forest management practices within the state of Oregon. The board appoints the state forester and oversees the Oregon Department of Forestry. The board also works with private land owners and the Federal Government to promote consistent forest management policies throughout the state. History Oregon began to centralize its forest management in 1905, when the state authorized local fire rangers to patrol Oregon counties and enforce the newly created fire protection laws. Two years later, the state established a temporary board to make recommendations to Oregon legislature regarding forests practices. As an advisory board, it had little power beyond its reports to the legislative assembly."Historical Narrative, 1907-1960", Department of Forestry Records Guide, Oregon State Archives, Oregon Secretary of State, June 2000. In 1911, the Oregon legislature formally established a state Department of Forestry with the Board of Forestry as its oversight body. Together these institutions were made responsible for enforcing forestry laws, managing state forest lands, preventing forest fires within the state, encouraging reforestation, and educating the public about good forestry practices. Prior to 1939, the Board of Forestry shared the responsibility for state parks with the Oregon Highway Commission. In 1939, the Oregon Legislative made the Highway Commission solely responsible for state parks. At the same time, the Board of Forestry was given administration jurisdiction over the Forest Development Fund. The first version of the Forestry Program for Oregon was published in 1977. It outlined a vision for Oregon's forests and established strategies priorities to guide the board's decisions. Since then, the board has periodically published new versions of the document to update management policies and refine forestry programs.The Evolving Forestry Program for Oregon, 2003 Forestry program for Oregon, Oregon Board of Forestry, Salem, Oregon, 2003, p. 7. Responsibility Today, the Board of Forestry's mission is "to lead Oregon in implementing policies and programs that promote environmentally, economically, and socially sustainable management of Oregon’s of public and private forests.""What is the Oregon Board of Forestry?", Forestry Program for Oregon, Oregon Board of Forestry, 2003. To achieve this, the Oregon legislature has empowered the board to establish forest policy within the state. The board adopts rules for the use of state and private forest lands consistent with Oregon statute. It regulates forest practices and oversees forestry programs within the state. The board appoints the state forester, and through state forester, oversees the state's Department of Forestry."State Board of Forestry", Oregon Blue Book, Oregon State Archives, Office of the Oregon Secretary of State, 24 February 2008. The board facilitates public debate on key issues of forest management. This includes timber harvest rules, environmental regulations, firefighting practices, and management priorities for use of state-owned forest lands. The board works with private land owners, Oregon counties, the United States Forest Service, the Bureau of Land Management, and other Federal agencies to promote consistent management policies and practices for all forest lands within the state. The Board of Forestry and the professional foresters in the Department of Forestry are responsible for managing Oregon's forest lands on behalf of the people of Oregon.Kulongoski, Ted, Speech by Governor Kulongoski at Board of Forestry Meeting, Salem Oregon, 22 October 2004. Board organization The Board of Forestry has seven members appointed by the Governor of Oregon and confirmed by the Oregon State Senate. Members serve a four-year term, and are limited to two consecutive terms. Oregon law requires the board to represent the broad interests of the Oregon public. Therefore, no more than three members of the board can receive a significant portion of their income from the forest products industry, and at least one member must reside in each of the three major forest regions of the state. The Board of Forestry has three sub-committees made up of board members who are working on specific issues for the board. The subcommittees are created to consider specific issues and develop recommendations for the full board's consideration and action. The three subcommittees are the Federal Forests Subcommittee, the State Forests Financial Viability Subcommittee, and the Alternative Forest Management Plans Subcommittee."About the Oregon Board of Forestry", Oregon Board of Forestry, Oregon Department of Forestry, Salem, Oregon, 19 May 2014. The Federal Forests Subcommittee was created in January 2013 to help the board engage federal forestry offices, members of congress, and Oregon state legislators regarding issues arising from federal forest policy."Subcommittee Membership, Scope and Direction", Board Subcommittee on Federal Forests, Oregon Department of Forestry, Salem, Oregon, 19 May 2014."Board of Forestry Sub-Committee on Federal Forests, Scope and Direction", chairman’s memorandum, Oregon Board of Forestry, Salem, 30 January 2013. The State Forests Financial Viability Subcommittee was also created in January 2013. It is responsible for helping the board understand and solve issues related to financial viability."Board of Forestry Subcommittee on State Forests Financial Viability, Scope and Direction", chairman’s memorandum, Oregon Board of Forestry, Salem, Salem, Oregon, 30 January 2013. The Alternative Forest Management Plans Subcommittee was established in June 2013 to evaluate alternative forest management plans. It was initially focused on the forest management in Oregon's northwest region."Subcommittee Membership, Scope and Direction", Board Subcommittee on Alternative Forest Management Plans for Northwest Oregon, Oregon Department of Forestry, Salem, Oregon, 19 May 2014."Board of Forestry Sub-Committee on Federal Forests, Scope and Direction", chairman’s memorandum, Oregon Board of Forestry, Salem, Oregon, 30 January 2013. Advisory committees The Board of Forestry has seven advisory committees made up of outside members who representative various forest and public interests. The advisory committees are Federal Forestlands Advisory Committee, the Forest Trust Land Advisory Committee, Family Forestlands Advisory Committee, Oregon Forest Resource Trust Advisory Committee, and three regional forest practice advisory committees. Members of the Federal Forestlands Advisory Committee are appointed by the Oregon Board of Forestry. The committee was created to give Oregon citizens a greater role in the management of federal forest lands."Advisory Committee Information", Federal Forestlands Advisory Committee, Oregon Department of Forestry, Salem, Oregon, 19 May 2014. The Oregon Legislature established the Forest Trust Land Advisory Committee in 1987. The committee advises the Board of Forestry on management policy for state-owned forest lands. The committee is composed of the board of directors of Oregon's Council of Forest Trust Land Counties which represents counties with forest trust lands. The counties represented on the council are: Benton, Clackamas, Clatsop, Columbia, Coos, Douglas, Josephine, Klamath, Lane, Lincoln, Linn, Marion, Polk, Tillamook, and Washington."Committee Information", Forest Trust Land Advisory Committee, Oregon Department of Forestry, Salem, Oregon, 19 May 2014. The issues affecting family owned forest lands are complex including the increasing risk that those forest properties will be developed for residential or industrial use. The Family Forestlands Advisory Committee helps the Board of Forestry understand the needs of family forest land owners."About Us", Committee for Family Forestlands, Oregon Department of Forestry, Salem, Oregon, 19 May 2014. The 1993 Oregon Legislature established the Forest Resource Trust to finances reforestation. The Forest Resource Trust Advisory Committee to identify and recommend actions to improve and simplify the state's forest management process and build support among forest land owners."Trust Program Overview", Forest Resource Trust Advisory Committee, Oregon Department of Forestry, Salem, Oregon, 19 May 2014."Investing in Tomorrow's Forests Today", Forest Resource Trust - Forest Establishment Program, Oregon Department of Forestry, Salem, Oregon, 19 May 2014. There are also three regional forest practice committees to help the Board of Forestry develop appropriate forest management policies. Each committee has nine members. The regional committees represent northwest Oregon, southwest Oregon, and eastern Oregon."Authority and Purpose", Regional Forest Practice Committees, Oregon Department of Forestry, Salem, Oregon, 19 May 2014. Forestry program Sustainable forest management is the board's long-term goal. To achieve this, forest resources must be used, developed, and protected in a manner that enables people to meet their current environmental, economic, and social needs while ensuring that the needs of future generations will also be met. The Board of Forestry publishes the Forestry Program for Oregon to guide forest management within the state. Since it was first published in 1977, "sustainability" has remained the forestry program's central theme. On a statewide basis, sustainable forest management creates a healthy and diverse forest ecosystem that produces abundant timber and other forest products. Habitat to support healthy populations of native plants and animals is maintained. It ensures productive soil, clean water, clean air, and recreational opportunities are protected. This balanced program supports Oregon's people and their communities both economically and socially. The Forestry Program for Oregon serves as a strategic guide for the Department of Forestry's day-to-day management decisions. References External links *Oregon Department of Forestry *Forestry Program for Oregon Forestry State forestry agencies in the United States 1911 establishments in Oregon "